Money Flows

Where Part I Ended # The first article of this two-parter traced where the Omas gegen Rechts Deutschland e.V. actually receive money:1

What Additionally Happened on April 22, 2026 # April 22, 2026 was a dense news day. We already documented it in a separate article: In the morning, the German cabinet adopted the third suspicionless IP-data retention bill with extended intelligence-service access. Defence Minister Pistorius unveiled the Federal Republic’s first formal military strategy (Russia as primary threat, Bundeswehr growth to 460,000 personnel). The EU Council waved through the 20th Russia sanctions package plus a €90 billion Ukraine loan. And Spiegel published its exclusive on the Klöckner Signal phishing story, which rhetorically delivered exactly the threat picture the first three decisions required.

Methodological note. This text is based on primary Bundestag documents (20/6621, 20/6702, WD 4-3000-008/23), the Last Generation 2022 transparency report (cited in the Bundestag WD opinion), the IRS Form 990 data of the Climate Emergency Fund via ProPublica and Instrumentl, and the websites of the organisations named. The text separates two layers that are systematically conflated in public discourse: (1) the scientific-political question of the climate crisis, and (2) the structural question of who, with what money, organised what kind of activism. The first layer is not negotiated here. The second is the subject.

Methodological note. This text is based on primary Bundestag documents (Drucksachen), the foundation register, the AAS website, and publicly available material on the founder’s Stasi-IM past. Where amounts are only secondary-sourced, this is marked. The foundation does work against right-wing extremism that addresses an unquestionable societal need. The point here is not to deny it its legitimacy — it is to show what the foundation systematically does not show when presenting itself as a “civil society” actor.

Methodological note. This text is based on primary Bundestag documents (Drucksachen), the foundations’ own websites, Correctiv’s governance page, and the program of the German Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution (BfV) 2023 Science Conference. Where amounts or positions are only secondary-sourced, this is marked. The point is not to deny Correctiv its legitimacy — it is to show what Correctiv systematically does not show when presenting itself as an “independent” investigative platform.