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The Seventh Statement: Those Who Recommended the Lockdown Carried It Out

Corona Accountability - This article is part of a series.
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On 8 December 2020 the German National Academy of Sciences Leopoldina published its 7th Ad-hoc Statement on the coronavirus pandemic, titled “Using the Holidays and the Turn of the Year for a Hard Lockdown.” It demanded, in concrete terms: suspension of compulsory schooling from 14 December 2020, closure of all shops not serving basic supply needs from 24 December, reduction of social contacts to “a very narrowly limited circle,” home office as the rule, suspension of group activities in sport and culture.

Five days later, on 13 December 2020, the Chancellor and the heads of the federal states adopted nearly identical measures. In force from 16 December.

What appeared in the academy’s letter as a scientific recommendation lay five days later as the joint federal-state resolution. No debate, no hearing for dissent, no impact assessment. The statement functioned as a ready-to-sign template.

That is not the unusual observation. The unusual observation lies in the list at the bottom of the statement.

The List
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The statement was authored and signed by 34 people (alphabetised by family name in the original): Cornelia Betsch, Melanie Brinkmann, Dirk Brockmann, Alena Buyx, Sandra Ciesek, Christian Drosten, Ute Frevert, Clemens Fuest, Jutta Gärtner, Jürgen Peter Graf, Michael Hallek, Gerald Haug, Ralph Hertwig, Bernhard Hommel, Olaf Köller, Thomas Krieg, Heyo K. Kroemer, Christoph Markschies, Jutta Mata, Reinhard Merkel, Thomas Mertens, Michael Meyer-Hermann, Iris Pigeot, Viola Priesemann, Ulrike Protzer, Regina T. Riphahn, Anita Schöbel, Claudia Spies, Norbert Suttorp, Felicitas Thiel, Lothar H. Wieler, Claudia Wiesemann, Ottmar D. Wiestler, Barbara Wollenberg.

The breakdown: 14 physicians, virologists, pharmacologists or hospital chief executives. 4 modellers from physics and mathematics. 1 statistician. 4 psychologists. 2 educational researchers. 2 lawyers, 2 medical ethicists. 2 economists. 1 historian. 1 theologian. 1 climate scientist (the Academy’s president). Total 34.

Who is missing: child and adolescent psychiatry. School-policy social science in the sense of educational-consequences research. Constitutional-law expertise on proportionality (Reinhard Merkel is a criminal-law theorist and legal philosopher, not a fundamental-rights specialist; Jürgen Peter Graf is a criminal-senate judge at the Federal Court of Justice). Paediatrics is covered by exactly one person — Jutta Gärtner, paediatric neurology, a specialist field far removed from the consequences of school closures.

What is not in the working group does not appear in the statement.

The Dual Roles
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Five names warrant close attention — not because the persons themselves are problematic, but because their institutional dual roles dismantle the mandate architecture of the statement.

Lothar H. Wieler was, at the time of signing, President of the Robert Koch Institute (RKI). The RKI is a federal agency under the Health Ministry and supplies the epidemiological situation assessment on which lockdown measures are legally founded. A sitting RKI president who co-signs a statement demanding lockdown is, in effect, commissioning himself — as the supplier of the situation data that his own recommendation rests on.

Christian Drosten headed the Institute of Virology at Charité, Europe’s largest university hospital. Charité was, at this point, not only Drosten’s research home but also a clinical operator that benefitted materially from the escalation framing (“hospitals near capacity”). Heyo K. Kroemer, also a signatory, was Chairman of the Board of that same Charité. Both men signed recommendations whose situation rationale their own hospital was supplying.

Alena Buyx was Chair of the German Ethics Council (Deutscher Ethikrat). The Council is, under § 2 of the Ethics Council Act, the federal body charged with addressing ethical questions of “new developments … particularly in the life sciences” — explicitly including pandemic measures. A sitting Council Chair who co-signs a concrete policy demand has publicly pre-answered the question “Is this ethically defensible?” before the Council itself can deliberate as a body. It is a pre-commitment of the assessing actor to the assessed object.

Thomas Mertens was Chair of the Standing Committee on Vaccination (STIKO) at the RKI. STIKO holds a statutory mandate over vaccinations (§ 20 Infection Protection Act). It is not the body responsible for lockdown recommendations. Mertens’ signature stretches the STIKO mandate into a population-measures recommendation for which the committee has no statute.

Jürgen Peter Graf is a judge at the Federal Court of Justice (BGH). Constitutional complaints against the lockdown ordinances were foreseeable at this point; some were already pending at the Federal Constitutional Court. A BGH-senate member’s participation in the political demand raises the question whether he would be deemed biased in subsequent civil-law follow-on proceedings (damages, landlord disputes, existence-threatening losses) brought against the consequences of those very measures.

These five dual roles are not moral accusations. They are structural findings: the statement was not drafted by an academic advisory board advising policy — it was drafted by a circle of persons institutionally engaged in the advising, the data supply, the ethical endorsement, the operational execution, and the judicial after-review of the measures recommended. Counsel, justification, execution and evaluation met in a single list.

The Academy Mandate
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Under its statute, the Leopoldina is a scientific academy, not a federal advisory organ in the sense of § 4 of the Federal Ministries Act. Its remit is “advice in fundamental scientific questions” — not the drafting of ready-to-sign ordinance templates with date-specific instructions.

The 2008 federal-academies regulation, which elevated the Leopoldina to “National Academy” status, foresees statements on scientific-societal questions — not the dictation of timed ordinance structures awaiting only the signature of the executive. A recommendation of the form “From 14 December 2020 compulsory schooling shall be suspended” is not the language of a learned society; it is the language of a draft ordinance.

The philosopher of science Michael Esfeld, himself a Leopoldina member, wrote in an open letter to Academy President Gerald Haug that the statement “suggested scientific consensus where none existed” and presented “massive infringements of fundamental rights” as alternativeless. The Academy’s response to the open letter remained a December-long silence.

The Timeline
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The statement appeared on Tuesday 8 December 2020. The Federal-State Conference convened on Sunday 13 December. Between publication and resolution lay five days — three of them working days — during which neither a parliamentary hearing was held nor any written counter-statement from the opposition obtained. The conference resolution adopted the date framework of the recommendation (schools from 16.12. instead of 14.12., but shops from 16.12. instead of 24.12. — partially even tightened) almost word for word.

A statement that passes from publication to federal-state resolution within five days, without an intervening loop of debate, is functionally not an advisory document but a template. What the academy framed as recommendation operated as decision.

What the Statement Did Not Contain
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The statement contains no assessment of the consequences of school closure beyond the Christmas break. There is no reference to the UNESCO situation reports on global learning losses, no mention of the DAK study on the explosion of adolescent media use during the spring lockdown, no reference to the Heidelberg findings on the doubling of adolescent eating disorders from summer 2020 onwards. The KMK data on collapsed reading and mathematics competence had not yet been published (those figures came in 2022), but indicators of the risk were available.

The statement contains no constitutional-law proportionality analysis. The prohibition of religious services — an interference with Article 4 of the Basic Law — had already been treated divergently by the Federal Constitutional Court in injunctive proceedings at this point. No trace of it in the statement.

The statement contains no discussion of alternative strategies — cluster quarantine, FFP2 distribution surge, differentiated protection for high-risk groups. The statement knows one measure: hard lockdown.

What did not sit in the working group is missing from the statement. The disciplinary asymmetry of the AG is the disciplinary asymmetry of the recommendation.

The Accountability Question
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The ongoing federal Bundestag inquiry into the COVID-19 pandemic has incorporated the Leopoldina statements into its source corpus. The mandate and conflict-of-interest question concerning the 7th Statement — concurrent membership in the recommending working group and in the executive, advisory, ethics-endorsing, judicial-review structures that would implement that recommendation — does not appear, in the publicly available session and hearing materials so far, as its own line of inquiry. The question whether an RKI president, a Charité chairman, an Ethics Council chair, a STIKO chair and a BGH judge can simultaneously sit on a political recommendation working group without damaging the advisory architecture of the Federal Republic is not, in those proceedings, a question that has been called.

The gap is structural, not accidental.

Closing
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What appeared on 8 December 2020 in Halle/Saale under the letterhead of the Academy of Sciences was not an advisory document. It was a self-mandate. Persons who, from their primary offices, would assess the situation, execute the measures, ethically endorse them, and adjudicate the legal disputes arising from them, agreed in writing in advance on the demand that became resolution five days later.

That is not “a rigged game.” It is the textbook definition of an advisory closed circuit: a body advises on measures its own members will implement, with data from their own institutions, ethically endorsed by their own chair, judicially flanked by a member of the very senate that will later decide the civil consequences.

The plaintiff who, today, stands before that BGH senate seeking damages for an existence destroyed by the December 2020 closures should — before her substantive arguments — be having a recusal motion examined. She is not, because she does not know. It is in the academy’s file. It is not secret. It does not appear in the accountability work because no accountability work has asked.

Whoever found their child’s school locked on 16 December 2020 was not the recipient of a scientific consensus. They were the recipient of a document that five people had co-signed under their own forthcoming measures.

Accountability begins by reading the list.


Sources
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The 7th Ad-hoc Statement in full text: Leopoldina (8 December 2020), Coronavirus-Pandemie: Die Feiertage und den Jahreswechsel für einen harten Lockdown nutzen, PDF mirrored by University of Mannheim Library, original text with full author list on the closing pages.

Cross-references on related actors:

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